| 1900 | R | R | R | | |
| 1904 | R | R | R | | |
| 1908 | R | R | R | | |
| 1912 | R | D | R | | |
| 1916 | D | D | D | | |
| 1920 | D | R | R | | |
| 1924 | R | R | R | | |
| 1928 | R | R | R | | |
| 1932 | R | R | R | | |
| 1936 | D | D | D | | |
| 1940 | D | D | D | | |
| 1944 | D | D | D | | |
| 1948 | D | R | R | | |
| 1952 | D | D | D | | |
| 1956 | R | D | D | | |
| 1960 | R | D | D | | |
| 1964 | D | D | D | | |
| 1968 | D | D | D | | |
| 1972 | R | D | D | The Democratic Party deplores the increasing concentration of economic power in fewer and fewer hands. Five per cent of the American people control 90 per cent of our productive national wealth. Less than one per cent of all manufacturers have 88 per cent of the profits. Less than two per cent of the population now owns approximately 80 per cent of the nation’s personally-held corporate stock, 90 per cent of the personally-held corporate bonds and nearly 100 per cent of the personally-held municipal bonds. The rest of the population—including all working men and women—pay too much for essential products and services because of national policy and market distortions. . . We must restructure the social, political and economic relationships throughout the entire society in order to ensure the equitable distribution of wealth and power. | |
| 1976 | R | D | D | The Democratic Party has a long history of opposition to the undue concentration of wealth and economic power. It is estimated that about three-quarters of the country’s total wealth is owned by one-fifth of the people. The rest of our population struggles to make ends meet in the face of rising prices and taxes. | |
| 1980 | D | D | D | | |
| 1984 | R | D | R | A Democratic future of growth and opportunity of mastering change rather than hiding from it, of promoting fairness instead of growing inequality, stands in stark contrast to another four years of Ronald Reagan. Staying the course with Ronald Reagan raises a series of hard questions about a bleak future. | |
| 1988 | R | D | D | | |
| 1992 | R | D | D | The ballooning Bush deficits hijacked capital from productive investments. Savings and loan sharks enriched themselves at their country’s expense. The stock market tripled, but average incomes stalled, and poverty claimed more of our children. . . America’s corporate leaders have a responsibility to invest in their country. CEOs, who pay themselves 100 times what they pay the average worker, shouldn’t get big raises unrelated to performance. If a company wants to overpay its executives and underinvest in the future or transfer jobs overseas, it shouldn’t get special treatment and tax breaks from the Treasury. | We reject the Democrats’ politics of division, envy and conflict. They believe that America is split into classes and can be healed only through the redistribution of wealth. We believe in the economics of multiplication: free markets expand opportunity and wealth for all. |
| 1996 | D | R | R | Employers must offer employees the opportunity to share in the profits they help create. Employers must respect the commitment of workers to their families, and must work to provide good pensions and health care. When CEOs put their workers and long-term success ahead of short-term gain, their workers will do better and so will they. | |
| 2000 | R | R | R | | |
| 2004 | R | R | R | | |
| 2008 | R | D | D | | |
| 2012 | D | R | D | | |
| 2016 | D | R | R | Democrats believe that today’s extreme levels of income and wealth inequality are bad for our people, bad for our businesses, and bad for our economy. Our country depends on a thriving middle class to drive economic growth, but the middle class is shrinking. Meanwhile, the top one-tenth of one percent of Americans now own almost as much wealth as the bottom 90 percent combined. | |
| 2020 | R | D | R | | |
| 2024 | D | R | D | | |
